Papers

I forgot to mention yesterday that I am still working on your papers. I should have the longer papers you turned in last Tuesday finished today, and I will put them in an envelope on my office door (Main 121) by later this afternoon (Tuesday, 5/12). I will need a bit more time on writing assignment #4, which I should be able to put outside my door tomorrow afternoon (Wed. 5/13).

REMINDERS

First, be sure to check out the previous blog post which contains the family questions that will be on the final exam.

Second, remember that you have the option of taking the final exam either tomorrow (TUESDAY, 5/12, 2-5PM) when it was originally scheduled, or take it with my 8:00 TR Social Problems class, which is scheduled for THURSDAY, 5/14, 9-12, and is in MAIN 124. If you don't show up tomorrow, I will assume you will take it on Thursday with my other class. THESE ARE THE ONLY TWO OPTIONS.

Family Questions for the Final Exam

The following are the family final exam questions I accepted and will appear on the final exam.

GREEN FAMILY (Megan, Ben, Lewis, Jessica H.)

1. How did we connect Dr. King's call for us to be "maladjusted" to the status quo with Erich Fromm's "pathology of normalcy?" (2)

ANSWER: There are aspects of our society that are insane (such as racism), and we shouldn't adjust ourselves to such aspects just beacuse they are the norm or regarded as sane. The so-called norm may in fact be insane or pathological.

2. In the context of discussing the "sociological wisdom" of Dr. King at the very beginning of the course, How did I define wisdom in class? (2)

ANSWER: The highest level of knowledge; wholeness of one's vision and seeing things in their true light.

3. How did Martin Luther King's father feel about him leading the movement in Montgomery? (1)

ANSWER: He was apprehensive and begged him to come back to Atlanta and live a safer, more comfortable lifestyle.


BLUE FAMILY (Jessica O., Frank, Kristin) earn one bonus point.

1. Not long after Dr. King's "I Have a Dream" speech in Aug. '63, he began to see his dream turn into a nightmare because of what event? (1)

ANSWER: The bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, killing four girls.

2. In his "Letter From A Birmingham Jail," King compared nonviolent civil rights demonstrators to what insect that Socrates compared himself to? (1)

ANSWER: a gadfly

3. In a sermon from "The Strength to Love," King describes "softmindedness" as one of the basic causes of race prejudice. Name TWO characteristics of the softminded person described by King. (2)

ANSWER: Any two of the following: (1) unbelievably gullible, (2) superstitious, (3) fears change, (4) looks uncritically, dogmatically at religion.

4. What did King think of "token integration?" (2)

ANSWER: It was an inadequate, deceptive approach to real integration, or a "sophisticated form of delay."


RED FAMILY (Tomas, Jeremy, Tramaine)

1. According to the examples noted in class, and through King's writings, how did he tie Jesus and Gandhi together? (2)

ANSWER: Jesus provided the "love ethic" or moral groundwork, and Gandhi the tactic of nonviolent protest to achieve significant social change.

2. Briefly identify and describe the type of love Dr. King had in mind when he urged his followers to love their enemies. (2)

ANSWER: "Agape" love -- not sentimental or emotional, but entails understanding, good will, unconditional love such as God has for the human race.

3. In addition to government programs, what else did Dr. King see as crucial to addressing racial inequality? (1)

ANSWER: He saw a significant role for black self-help.

_________________________________

That's it. All participating members listed above will earn 15 activity points for this exercise and members of the BLUE FAMILY will earn a bonus point for their efforts.

Remember tomorrow, our last class, writing assignment #4 is due, and some of you still need to turn in the paper that was due yesterday.

Reminders & More Commentary

REMINDERS: Today (Monday, May 4th) is the deadline for the families to submit 5 short-answer questions. Please try to email them to me sometime today. I will be here until at least 4:30PM or so. Tomorrow (Tuesday, May 5th) your papers are due. Also, we have two final textual commentaries to hear from Ben and St. Claire. Along with my commentary below, I plan to wrap up my remarks about the last of the selections in A Testament of Hope tomorrow as well. On Thursday, May 7th, the 4th and final writing assignment is due and Kristin, Jessica H., Jessica O. & St. Claire are expected to talk about what you wrote for that assignment. You will need to do so in roughly 20-25 minutes or so altogether, because Dr. King's "Mountaintop Speech" runs around 50 minutes. That leaves little or no time for review for the final exam, so I'll give some thought to setting up a time on Friday, or perhaps Monday for a review session.


MORE COMMENTARY: last Thursday we got as far as selection #51, so let me pick up there.

#51 "Meet the Press" (TV interview, 21Aug.'66)

A. This excerpt was placed in The Congressional Record, an acknowledgment of how important the race issue was. In the headnote, notes how of the different leaders (from King, to Wilkins, to Carmichael), King adhered to the principle of unity and civility in public debate.

B. Note King's assesssment of the movement as of Aug. '66. "Well, I think at points it is growing worse. This does not mean that we have not made significant progress. But I think the real problem today is there is still a tragic gulf between promise and fulfillment, and that the rising expectations of freedom and equality, the rising expectations of improvement have met with little results, so the problem today is that we have laws on the books but they have not been thoroughly implemented and there are still pockets of resistance that are seeking to hold the civil rights movement back in our just and legal and moral aspirations for a democratic society, are still being met with these forces of resistance." (p. 381)

C. Later, King also puts his finger on the source of the intense hatred in Chicago -- based on fears and stereotypes of the black community. (p. 385)


#52 "Face to Face" (TV news interview, 28July'67)

Headnote: In addition to King, Ivan Allen (mayor of Atlanta), Dick Gregory, Roy Wilkins. Also placed in the Congressional Record.

A. President Johnson had just announced the formation of the Kerner Commission to study the riots. King comments on the misery of ghetto life. Ivan Allen stresses the need for law and order, but he does recognize "deep problems" that lie behind the riots.

B. Comic relief from Dick Gregory may be the most revealing, especially his follow-up regarding the rioting, seeing it as a type of spontaneous combustion. For example, shortly after he is introduced, he says, "I'm going to have to talk very fast because I have to fly out of here to Kansas City, Missouri, to help a friend of mine, a white cat that just moved into an all-colored neighborhood."
"And some colored bigot burned a watermelon on his front lawn." (p. 398)

And, a bit later: "If we treat this problem the way we treat a slum building that burns down -- when the fire commissioner shows up, the first thing he says, 'We're going to check into it and see what caused it.' If we check into these explosions and see what caused them instead of talking about looters and hoodlums, check and find out what caused it, because you're aware of a theory called spontaneous combustion. When you put dirty, oily, greasy rags in a closet, you close the door so that air cannot circulate, nature's going to take care of the rest. You can call these rags ignorant. You can call them nigger, you can call them fool. If you don't have enough wisdom to open up that door, it's spontaneous combustion. The black ghettos in America today are America's oily, dirty, greasy rags...." (p. 400)


#56 Where Do We Go From Here: Chaos or Community? (1967)

Headnote: this book was perhaps the toughest project for Dr. King given his demanding schedule. And at this time, it appeared that he and his organization were being by-passed in favor of more militant black power advocates. So, King tries to clarify "black power" and focus on what is positive about it. (I would add, it is also one of his most radical, far-reaching statements.)

Chapter 1 Where Are We?

A. In general, King does not paint a very rosy picture. Sees evidence of a white backlash in the South. He clearly disagrees with President Johnson's assessment. Voting Rights Act just the first phase. "With Selma and the Voting Rights Act one phase of development in the civil rights revolution came to an end. A new phase opened, but few observers recognized it or were prepared for its implications. For the vast majority of white Americans, the past decade -- the first phase -- had been a struggle to treat the Negro with a degree of decency, not of equality. White America was ready to demand that the Negro should be spared the lash of brutality and coarse degradation, but it had never been truly committed to helping him out of poverty, exploitation or all forms of discrimination." (p. 557)

1. Changes so far had been cheap.

B. He acknowledges the courage of many whites, but on the whole he feels they have not made a real effort to overcome their ignorance, perhaps out of a continued sense of superiority. (see top p. 561)

C. King sympathizes with whites who fear riots, but he makes clear that whites have a responsibility to understand and deal with the conditions that spark violence.


That brings us up to Chapter 2 Black Power, which, in my view, represents an incisive analysis of the concept of "power" itself, and the false notion that power is synonymous with the use of force, physical violence, or to parapharse Mao Tse Tung, what comes out of the barrell of a gun.
We'll pick up here tomorrow.

Reminder & More Commentary

First, since many were absent last Thursday, 4/23, let me remind everyone that you need to check out the previous blog post which describes our one-and-only family activity -- making up questions for the final exam. I will give the families some time on Tuesday and Thursday of this week to confer about this. Each family will then need to designate someone to submit your 5 short-answer final exam questions by next Monday, May 4th.

______________________________

More Commentary: I am still committed to saying something about all of the remaining selections in A Testament of Hope that I have asked you to read, so let me do some of that on this blog.

#46 "Letter from a Birmingham Jail"

I started to comment on this last Thursday and did not finish. I did bring out King's references to Socrates in Plato's "Apology" and "Crito," which are quite appropriate, I argued.

D. King answers the charge of being an "extremist" -- actually, he felt he was a moderating force, moderating the real potential for blacks to become violent. (See last paragraph, p. 296 - 297)

E. Maybe America is in need of "creative extremists". (In this context, he acknowledges some courageous whites who stood with them.)

1. Church needs to lead, not just follow -- to be a THERMOSTAT, not just a THERMOMETER.

F. Finally, King takes these preachers to task for praising the police because they've kept "order." In this context he argues that the means must be as pure as the ends -- "Now we must recognize: it is wrong to use moral means to preserve immoral ends." (p. 301, bottom)


#49 Kenneth B. Clark Interview (1963, prior to March on Washington)

A. Clark, a prominent black psychologist, comments that he has not doubt that King's "love thy enemy" approach is genuine.

B. King does mention Erich Fromm's book, "The Art of Loving" -- how hate can be internally corrosive (bottom, p. 334), and love can be a force for personality integration.
(This suggests to me that King had probably read Fromm's "The Sane Society," and so he knew of Fromm's concept of the "pathology of normalcy," which has some connection to Dr. King's call to be "maladjusted.")

C. Clark asks King about Malcolm X's criticism of his "love thy enemy" approach -- doesn't it play into the hands of the oppressors -- to which King responds that Malcolm X did not understand the notion of AGAPE love.

D. Concludes on a hopeful note, but acknowledges there will be resistance and very real problems in the North related to employment and housing discrimination.


#23 "Behind the Selma March" (3 April 1965)

A. Headnote gives some good background. Notes some pressure from President Johnson and Hoover on King to "be more reasonable." Also comments on how the demonstrators were unmercifully beaten on the first attempted march (part of which was caught on camera).

B. King explains his actions during the second march when he decided to turn around. Says it would have been futile and led to violence if they tried to penetrate the "human wall" of law enforcement officers (which actually openned up at the last minute). But there clearly were other considerations (and I am not sure I buy King's explanation here).


#30 "Negroes Are Not Moving Too Fast" (7 November 1964)

A. Dr. King seems very cognizant of the potential for violence if there is little progress. Economic issues are highlighted.

B. King criticizes some thoughtless actions of other demonstrators, and then comments: "Action is not itself a virtue; its goals and its forms determine its values." (p. 179 top) (I agree wholeheartedly. When you act thoughtlessly, however justified, you may do your cause more harm than good.)

1. He understands also how many would interpret such acts, regardless of the justness of their cause.

C. King concludes with a nice response to what he perceives to be the message of Republican presidential candidate, Barry Goldwater. (See last paragraph, p. 180 and all of p. 181)


#31 "Civil Right No. 1: The Right to Vote" (March 14, 1965, appropriately in the midst of the Selma Campaign)

A. As one of our textual commentators brought out, King is optimistic about what voting might have accomplished or can accomplish -- he speculates that had blacks been able to vote in the South, they might have done something about the conditions which led many to migrate to the North. (See pp. 182-3)

That brings us up to selection #32, which is where I plan to pick up tomorrow. Remember, there will be no textual commentaries this week, and just the last two during the final week. Next Tuesday 5/5 your papers are due, and next Thursday 5/7, writing assignment #4 is due.

Family Activity: Making Up Questions for the Final Exam

Beginning in class tomorrow (Thursday, 4/23), I want each family start the process of developing questions for the final exam. Put yourselves in my shoes and consider what you believe is important to know about Dr. King, what you would ask if you were making up a final exam for this class. Specifically, I want each family to make up 5 SHORT-ANSWER questions on anything covered in the class. Use your class notes as a guide. By short-answer I mean direct questions that can be answered by a word or concept, a phrase or sentence, or, at most, a paragraph. NO true-false or mulitple-choice. Students who have had me before may serve as a guide for those who have not had me.
Once your family has come to some agreement on 5 questions, then designate a family member to submit your questions (and answers) to me in writing or via email NO LATER THAN MONDAY, MAY 4th. I will, then, consider them and try to accept at least 3 questions from each family. For each additional question I accept you will earn a bonus point, so you may earn up to 2 bonus points. This exercise is worth 15 points, and you must participate to earn those points.

The following are the families (slightly altered from when we chose them back in February):

RED FAMILY: Tramaine, Jeremy, Tomas, St. Claire

GREEN FAMILY: Ben, Lewis, Jessica H., Megan

BLUE FAMILY: Jessica O., Kristin, Frank

See you tomorrow, and don't forget to post your response to the video we saw last Thursday.

Reminder of Individual Activity & Some More Commentary

Only one person, as of Monday morning (8AM)4/20, has posted their response to the video we saw last Thursday. Please do so soon, preferably by tomorrow, while what you heard is hopefully still fresh in your mind.

___________________________

Tomorrow we will get back to the group of selections we began to discuss last Tuesday, beginning with selection #18. Our next three textual commentators are: Frank, Jessica H. & Jeremy. Tomorrow I want to focus especially on #22, "The Ethical Demands for Integration," which presents a well-organized and insightful argument on the moral justification for integration. I left off last Tuesday with a final comment about #25.

To make first-class citizenship a reality for the Negro, it is first and foremost his responsibility. King, then goes on to call for more personal responsibility. See significant statement of this, last paragraph, p. 149 - p. 150, first paragraph.

# 26 "Equality Now: The President Has the Power" (Feb. '61, right after JFK's inauguration)

A. King opens with a strong statement of principle on this issue, and he takes a slap at our materialistic ways. (See first two paragraphs p. 152.)

1. And he stresses the key role the federal government must play. He goes on to suggest the need to use the leverage of federal tax money -- deny federal money to states and businesses which continue to discriminate. He makes some pretty strong accusations, with some truth to them. (See pp. 152-3)

B. Need to move aggressively in the area of voter registration.

C. President can use his position (prestige) to use moral persuasion to end discrimination. The Presidency as a "bully pulpit."

D. King even suggests the President could end segregation through executive order. "The Emancipation Proclamation" was an executive order, along with Presdient Truman's integration of the military. President could eliminate discrimination in federal employment, and he mentions the FBI in particular.

1. Unfortunately, the federal government itself has participated directly and indirectly in the perpetuation of housing discrimination -- ghettos in the North. King gets pretty specific with some of his recommendations.

E. The Justice Department could be compelled to really enforce laws, make more use of federal marshals. As King says, "The employment of powerful court orders, enforced by sizable numbers of federal marshals, would restrain lawless elements now operating with inexcusable license. It should be remembered that in early American history it was the federal marshal who restored law in frontier communities when local authority broke down." (p. 158)

F. But more than its legal obligation, government must recognize it has a MORAL obligation in this matter. In this regard, he recalls the courage of Indian politicians in dealing with the "untouchables" issue and establishing "affirmative action" programs for them. (bot., p. 158)

G. Finally, he suggests appointing a "Secretary of Integration." (top, p. 159)


#27 "The Time for Freedom Has Come" (1961)

King quotes Victor Hugo" "There is no greater power on earth than an idea whose time has come." (p. 160)

A. King recognizes the significant involvement of Black students throughout the country, who were also influenced by freedom struggles elsewhere in the world in Africa and Latin America.

B. King points out it is naive to expect an immediate end to segregation with the 1954 Brown decision. He says, "...today, seven years later, only seven percent of Negro children of the South have been placed in desegregated schools. At the current rate it will take ninety-three more years to desegregate the public schools of the South. The (black) collegians say, 'We can't wait that long' or simply, 'We won't wait!'" (p. 162)

C. He notes how students debated non-violence vs. violence. King understands the impatience of some, but he believes the large majority did come around to non-violent direct action. (pp. 163-4)

1. Students DO respect the law, at the same time they choose to break unjust laws. (p. 164)

2. Must remember that: "The law tends to declare rights -- it does not deliver them." (p. 165)

3. Students not interested in mere "tokens" of integration. They are totally committed to equality and dignity. They are really seeking, in some sense, to "save the soul of America" (not just themselves).

D. Most of us recognize that the Jim Crow system is doomed. If so, would it not be wise and humane to abolish it surely and swiftly? (p. 166)


#21 "Bold Design for a New South" (1963)

A. He opens by acknowledging problems caused by the cautious JFK Administration's approach to civil rights. Indeed, the nation seemed to have placed civil rights on the proverbial "back burner." (already in 1963!) King chalks this up, in part, to the public's acceptance of "tokenism." (bot., p. 112) -- which over on p. 113 he calls a "genuine menace."

B. King then ticks off further evidence of segregation, particularly in education. Discrimination in employment and housing continues.

C. Government has moved aggressively in the past -- eg. on the labor issue, so why not on the race issue?

D. Government should not be a mere mediator. It should enforce laws which are being violated.

E. National interest should spur us to go beyond mere tokenism.

F. The JFK Administration should back the South which is waking up and changing, not the old guard who cling to segregation. He cites a strong editorial in the "Atlanta Constitution," espousing a more enlightened view of the race issue. It is the "New South" that should be supported. He also urges Republicans to get on the bandwagon.

G. King concludes with a historical observation -- that throughout history MORAL DECISIONS ended up being the correct ones. (last paragraph, p. 116)


That brings me up to #22 where we will pick up tomorrow after we hear from our textual commentators.

Individual Activity

As promised yesterday, here's what I want you to do in connection with seeing "Malcolm and Martin: Implications of Their Legacies for the Future" tomorrow (Thurs. 4/16). After seeing the film I want you to write a couple-paragraph response describing what you believe to be the most significant similarity or parallel between Malcolm X and Martin Luther King brought out by either speaker (Imam Zaid or Cornel West). Post your response as a comment on this blog by next Tuesday, 4/21. This exercise is worth 5 points.

Catching Up: Commentary on Last Week's Selections

Below are the highlights of what I had planned to bring out last week on selections # 14, 15, 16, 17, 24, & 33. Some of the textual commentators also brought out some of these points. Remember, again, that you should review this material for the final exam.

#14 "Our Struggle" (1956)

A. The first four paragraphs of this selection (p. 75) are very astute sociologically. King acknowledges the loss of self-esteem among blacks because they were separated from their African culture. He also displays an understanding of what sociologists would call "blaming the victim."

B. King goes on then to stress blacks' new image, new self-respect they gained as they confronted discrimination in Montgomery.

C. King has an interesting comment on the white liberals' dilemma, citing a comment from noted author, William Faulkner. "Writing in Life (magazine), William Faulkner, Nobel prize-winning author from Mississippi, recently urged the NAACP to 'stop now for a moment.' That is to say, he encouraged Negroes to accept injustice, exploitation and indignity for a while longer. It is hardly a moral act to encourage others patiently to accept injustice which he himself does not endure." (p. 80)


#15 "Walk for Freedom" (1956)

A. The Headnote recognizes that others advised King that he was using non-violent resistance in Montgomery. (p. 82) Stresses "agape" love, and that this conflict is really between justice and injustice.


#16 "The Current Crisis in Race Relations" (1958)

A. The TRAGEDY OF SEGREGATION -- how it led blacks to devalue themselves, creating a "self-fulfilling prophecy." And the "New Negro" emerged to challenge this. (see, p. 85)

B. "It is sociologically true that privileged classes rarely ever give up their privileges without strong resistance." (p. 86)

C. In the section on "Moral Dilemma," King stresses the role of the church, and how only a few have taken a courageous stand. He also notes that the greatest tragedy of this social transition period is not the so-called bad people (racist segregationists), "but the appalling silence of the so-called good people." (p. 89)

1. Suggests we need "courageous maladjustment." (p. 90)


#17 "Who Speaks for the South" (1958)

A. King argues that white liberals really speak for a silent majority in the South, not the vocal, bigoted white racists.

B. As noted in the textual commentary, he highlights how women won the right to vote through protest -- they were far from submissive and silent. "From these women we have learned how social changes take place through struggle." (p. 91)

C. He also brings out the hypocrisy of preaching about free elections abroad when we do not have them here. (See, top p. 92)

D. King holds all of America accountable for the killing of Emmett Till (p. 92 mid) -- not just the couple men involved. (I would ask: can we accept this? Is this too harsh or sweeping? On what basis could he say such a thing?)

1. He goes on to highlight the theme of INERDEPENDENCE -- freedom for blacks means that our society as a whole will be freer. Also, "harm to one is injury to all". We have an obligation or duty to attain freedom for the benefit of the whole society. (See last paragraph, p. 93)


#24 "Facing the Challenge of a New Age" (1957)

A. Talks about revolutionary upheavals happening all the time all over the world. New world order coming into being.

B. Note the (Marxist) description of how the Negro slave was treated as a thing: "Throughout slavery the Negro was treated in a very inhuman fashion. He was a thing to be used, not a person to be respected. He was merely a depersonalized cog in a vast plantation machine." (p. 136) And notes how a physical slavery led to a kind of mental slavery.

C. He is pretty optimistic for 1957, confident that the old order is dying.

D. Stresses the growing world integration, and how we must transcend our narrow individualistic concerns. As a textual commentator quoted in class: "Through our scientific genius we have made of the world a neighborhood; now through our moral and spiritual genius we must make of it a brotherhood." He then goes on to quote John Donne's famous line "no man is an island." (p. 138)

E. He urges blacks to be good at what they do, irrespective of race. It is an important recognition of the value of work. (see 2nd & 3rd paragraphs, p. 139)

F. Again, he acknowledges the role of law, even though he understands you cannot legislate morality. (similar to an earlier quote) (See middle paragraph, p. 142)

G. King also makes a significant statement about the kind of new leaders we need: "The urgency of the hour calls for leaders of wise judgment and sound integrity -- leaders not in love with money, but in love with justice; leaders not in love with publicity, but in love with humanity; leaders who can subject their particular egos to the greatness of the cause." (p. 143)

H. Note the similarity of the oration at the end with King's "I Have a Dream" speech.


#33 "Give Us the Ballot -- We Will Transform the South" (keynote address to 1957 March on Wash.)

A. As our textual commentator brought out, this is a very optimistic view of the power of voting. But of course given the context (just like the "I Have a Dream" speech 6 years later), it was meant to be encouraging and empowering.

B. King talks about the need for courageous leadership, which must include FOUR elements:

1. Strong, aggressive leadership from the federal govt., especially the legislative and executive branches.

2. Strong leadership from Northern liberals -- truly liberal (not just open, relativistic, but liberalism committed to justice).

3. Moderates of the white South.

4. Leadership from the black community -- intelligent, calm, positive. No place for misguided emotionalism in dealing with such a complex problem. NOT indulge in falsehood, malice, hatred.

C. King stresses that as people gain power, they should not become victims of the philosophy of black supremacy. Must seek integration based on mutual respect.

_________________________

That brings us up to selection #18, where we will start on Tuesday, 4/14.

Reading Selections for the Remainder of the Semester & Reminders

First, let me note that I do not plan to post additional commentary today, even though I am still behind. I'll try to catch up on Thursday. Also, you should be aware that Writing Assignment #3 is due tomorrow (4/9) and LEWIS and JEREMY will present an overview of their essays. Also, we will have three more textual commentaries on the current reading selections (#14, 15, 16, 17, 24, 33) from TOMAS, ST.CLAIRE, and BEN. Next week we will begin to discuss a new, and longer, set of selections: #18, 19, 20, 25, 26, 27 & 55, 54, 21, 22, 28, 29, 36, 37, 46, 49. Textual commentators for next Tuesday (4/14) will be: KRISTIN, LEWIS, TRAMAINE. Next Thursday we may be seeing a DVD on Martin and Malcolm. Still dealing with the above series of selections, textual commentators for Tuesday (4/21) will be: FRANK, JESSICA H., JEREMY. On Thursday (4/23) we will being to consider a new set of selections: #23, 30, 31, 32, 38, 39, 50, & 40, 42, 43, 51, 52, 11, 12, 13. For that Thursday (4/23) the textual commentators will be: MEGAN, TOMAS, JESSICA O.. We will discuss these selections through Thursday (4/30). The final set of selections will be: #56, 57, 47, & 44, 45, 48, 58, which we will begin discussing on Tuesday (5/5) and the textual commentators will be: ST.CLAIRE & BEN. That will leave Thursday (5/6) for my wrap up.

TUESDAY, MAY 5TH, IS ALSO THE DUE DATE FOR YOUR PAPER. And there will be one more short writing assignment, which I should be handing out in the near future.

Use this blog post as a general "game-plan" for the remainder of the semester.

Catching Up: Commentary on Selections in Washington Reader

As I noted just before the break, I am behind (as usual) in my own textual commentary. Since I did not get a chance to do this over the break, I am getting to it now. Let me also remind you again that you need to either print out or copy these notes because anything that I cover in class or on this blog is fair game on the final exam.

I left off near the end of the long selection from Stride Toward Freedom (#53):

Q. King recognizes the SOCIOLOGICAL point of the adverse impact of economic insecurity on the black family. King says, "Economic insecurity strangles the physical and cultural growth of its victims. Not only are millions deprived of formal education and proper health facilities but our most fundamental social unit -- the family -- is tortured, corrupted, and weakened by economic insufficiency...." (p. 476) Read the remainder of that paragraph and the next over on p. 477.

R. In the end, the race problem is not a political but a moral issue, as Gunnar Myrdal (in An American Dilemma) indicated. The Church has an obligation here. Through religious education, the church can help overcome groundless race prejudice based on fear. (See 2nd paragraph p. 478) (Although, as I believe I noted in our last class, the kind of things King has in mind are better suited to public or higher education.)

1. The church must lead social reform, and it can do so by first eliminating segregation in its own house.

2. In this context, King comments: "When people think about race problems they are too often more concerned with men than with God. The question usually asked is: 'What will my friends think if I am too friendly with Negroes or too liberal on the race question?' Men forget to ask: 'What will God think?' And so they live in fear because they tend to seek social approval on the horizontal plane rather than spiritual devotion on the vertical plane." (pp. 478-479) Which parallels an argument Socrates made in the "Crito," defending his decision to remain in jail and endure the punishment given him, only Socrates (and Plato) in invoking "God" was not referring to some "Supreme Being" but instead to some ultimate principle of morality.

3. More than decrees or statements, ACTION is needed.

4. King is sensitive to the difficult position of the Southern white minister, and suggests working quietly is ok. (see p. 480)

S. King fully acknowledges the significant role that Black self-help can play. (It is unfair and inaccurate to suggest, as many have, that King saw government handouts as THE solution to racial inequality.)See p. 481. And King comes back to this at the very end (pp. 488-489) and specifies several areas where the black community needs to improve itself: economically, personal standards, crime, alcohol abuse, voting (overcome apathy), etc.

T. Towards the end of this selection, King comes back to the theme of nonviolence, and how in contrast the path of violence is both IMPRACTICAL and IMMORAL. See especially the last paragraph, p. 482. And he goes on to emphasize the benefits of the nonviolent approach. Nonviolence is more likely to encourage dialogue and community; it appeals to the conscience of the opponent.

1. In this general context, he makes a very interesting and significant point that nonviolence will take longer. We must be patient, "...BECAUSE INTEGRATION IS MORE COMPLICATED THAN INDEPENDENCE." (p. 486) (To which I would add: independence or mere DESEGREGATION. The fact that in many ways we have yet to realize Dr. King's dream of the "beloved community," or a truly integrated society, is a testament to the truth of his statement, I believe.)


#1 "Non-violence and Racial Justice" (1959)

A. Crisis in race relations growing out of two clashing factors:

1. determined resistance of reactionary elements in the South to Supreme Court rulings (especially, the Brown decision).
2. higher black self-esteem.

B. Good, but brief, overview of Black's history in America: 1619, to Dred Scott - 1857, to Emancipation - 1863, to Reconstruction, to Plessy - 1896... (pp. 5-6)

C. King defines TRUE PEACE (p. 6 ), which is not merely negative, the absence of tension or conflict, but positive, the presence of justice. (Think about the past 40 years or so in America: has this true peace existed, especially in the inner city ghettos of this country?)

D. King links the struggle for freedom in America with the international struggle for freedom against colonialism. (See top, p. 7)

E. Outlines the method of nonviolent resistance (Gandhi mentioned):

1. Not for cowards; it does resist -- physically passive but strong spiritually.

2. Aim is not to defeat or humiliate opponent but win his understanding and friendship. Use boycotts, etc., but the end is reconciliation; achieving the beloved community.

3. Attack directed against the FORCES of evil, rather than the people caught up in those forces: not against whites, but against injustice. (Which is a sociological point, I would argue.)

4. Avoids external and internal violence (or hate). Principle of love central. Retaliate with hate only creates more hatred and bitterness.

F. Notion of LOVE -- not emotional or romantic (or sexual) love, but love meaning understanding and goodwill (which refers to AGAPE love). Three Greek terms:

1. EROS -- aesthetic or romantic love.

2. PHILIA -- intimate affection between friends, reciprocal.

3. AGAPE -- not sentimental; means understanding, goodwill toward all men; unconditional.
***Important to distinguish between these and especially not to confuse EROS & PHILIA with AGAPE.

G. Finally, nonviolence is based on the conviction that the universe is on the side of justice (God, or some ultimate principle). (If you cannot accept this, I believe it is difficult, if not impossible, to advocate for any cause in a nonviolent way, which requires patience.)

#2 "The Most Durable Power" (1957)

A. Repeats Booker T. Washington's admonition: "Let no man pull you so low as to hate him." (which is tough to abide by)

B. Argues that the end or goal of life is NOT pleasure or happiness, or avoid pain, but to do God's will -- LOVE (GOD IS LOVE). (bottom, p. 10)


_________________________________

That brings us to selection #3. Still behind but farther along. I will probably try to cover selections #3-10, and then turn things over to our textual commentators for the next set of selections. Also, don't forget that writing assignment #3 is due on Thursday (4/9) and I believe we still need to get just TWO volunteers to present your essays. See you tomorrow.

Looking Ahead

As I mentioned yesterday in class, the week after the break (4/7 & 4/9) we'll be focusing on the following selections from A Testatment of Hope: #14, 15, 16, 17, 24, & 33. Textual commentators for Tuesday 4/7 are: Megan, Tomas, Jessica O. and for Thursday 4/9 are: St. Claire and Ben. Then we'll start over from the top of the alphabet. Writing assignment #3, which you all should have, is due on Thursday 4/9, and I'll be asking for volunteers (among those who have not presented one of these assignments) to present your essays to the class. I will probably only ask for two volunteers since I expect a fair number of overlapping points on this assignment.Thursday 4/9 is also the deadline for anyone contemplating doing a self-designed topic for your paper.

For those of you who are ahead in the reading, the reading assignment for the second week after the break (4/14, 4/16) will be: #18, 19, 20, 25, 26, 27 & 55, 54, 21, 22, 28, 29, 36, 37, 46, 49.

Finally, since I am behind on my running textual commentary, I will probably do a little blogging over the break.

This Week, 3/24 & 3/26

Tomorrow we will begin to talk about A Testament of Hope. Again, the assignment for this week is: the Editor's Intro., and selections #53, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. In looking over those selections, I should have noted that there is a substantial amount dealing with the philosophy of non-violence. And in that regard I plan to hand out a description of another writing assignment (#3) which will be due after the break. It focuses on the philosophy of non-violence. Our textual commentators for Tuesday, 3/24 are: Kristen, Lewis, Tramaine, and for Thursday, 3/26: Frank, Jessica H., Jeremy.

I will be handing back Writing Assignment #2 tomorrow, but some of you have yet to turn it in, which you need to do ASAP.

See you tomorrow.

Final Reflections on King's Assassination

I hope what you saw yesterday was not too confusing. The interview with Dr. Wrone was entertaining, but unfortunately not as enlightening as it could have been. Let me make a few final observations about each video presentation.

"Who Killed MLK?"

I am sorry that I cannot answer some of your questions about some specific points in that video. There were statements made by both government officials and critics that I believe are suspect, but I can't prove it. The commentary I handed out on the CNN special, however, is based in documented evidence, much of it produced at Ray's hearing in 1974 in sworn testimony. I am absolutely convinced based on what I know about this case that if Ray had had a fair trial with competent legal representation, that he would have been acquitted based on the evidence. And there is strong evidence that Ray was being manipulated and set up to take the wrap, which means there undoubtedly was a conspiracy to kill King. Who those conspirators are, however, is anyone's guess, and we don't know that principally because of the failure of the Memphis authorities, not to mention the FBI, to adequately investigate this case. A similar point can be made regarding President Kennedy's assassination. And the facts in this case have been muddled over the years by both critics and defenders (especially one Gerald Posner who Dr. Wrone mentioned in his interview).

More specifically, I would certainly vouch for what Harold Weisberg said in the documentary. I knew him well and visited his basement archive on numerous occasions over a roughly 15 year period. He was Ray's investigator for that evidentiary hearing. Unfortunately, I did not pick his brain as much as I could have on that case in comparison to JFK.

Walter Fauntroy, a former SCLC member and the Congressman who headed the House Select Committee on Assassinations, did NOTHING during his "leadership" to expose any of this. In my book, he is a FRAUD with a capital F. And him saying that he has been considering working to release some of those files is disingenious -- to my knowledge he never lifted a finger in that regard. And the committee he headed was really only interested in dispelling various conspiracy theories, not getting justice for James Earl Ray.

Former Attorney General Ramsey Clark made a comment about Hoover and the FBI that I thought was incredible -- that he believed the FBI was under pressure to do a thorough investigation because of what was known about Hoover's animosity toward King. BUT THAT WAS HARDLY KNOWN AT THE TIME, AND CERTAINLY NOT BY THE GENERAL PUBLIC. This was not first exposed until the mid-70s and Hoover was dead by then. And his comment about all the so-called evidence they had against Ray is likewise incredible, especially coming from the once chief lawyer in the U.S. The record of the FBI in both this case and JFK's is disreputable.


Cheryl Harleston's interview with David Wrone:

Dr. Wrone did bring up some things that I have not seen but I have no reason to doubt do exist -- such as a photograph at the time of the assassination showing that bathroom window closed. Mrs. Harleston was pressing him at the end based on her perception that a conspiracy necessarily means some grand plot involving many players. But conspiracy essentially only means two or more people combining to commit a crime. And we tend to think that conspiracies are usually too big to hide -- that someone is bound to talk or be caught. But not necessarily, especially when someone like Ray had been framed and the government did not plan to look any farther than that.

I know this is not the final word, but for the sake of this course, it will have to be.

Remember, Writing Assignment #2 is due tomorrow (3/19) and Jeremy, Tomas, and Jessica H. will be presenting what they wrote. I will make some final comments about Sitkoff. Then next week we'll be getting into a Testament of Hope. Check the previous blog post for the reading assignment.

Looking Ahead

Rather than post my notes on Chapter 8 of Sitkoff, I'd prefer to present my remarks in class. I will do that next Thursday (3/19). We'll go ahead with the video presentations on King's assassination on Tuesday (3/17). And don't forget that Writing Assignment #2 is due next Thursday as well, and we will need to have three volunteers to present their essays to the class (which we'll I'll ask for on Tuesday).

We will begin to discuss selections from "A Testament of Hope" during the following week and resume our textual commentaries. The first set of selections I'd like you to read are: the Editor's Introduction, #53, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. There is no theme as such in this first group of selections; they mainly concern the Montgomery bus boycott and writings from the late '50s. That will be the reading assignment for both Tuesday (3/24) and Thursday (3/26). The textual commentators will be: Tuesday (3/24) -- Kristen, Lewis, Tramaine. Thursday (3/26) -- Frank, Jessica H., Jeremy.

That's all for now. See you next week.

Quoted Passage & Chapter 5 Commentary

Check out the description of Writing Assignment #2 posted yesterday. Also, remember that tomorrow we'll be seeing "Citizen King" which runs two hours, so we'll be wrapping up around 4:30. Hope most of you can stick around for the whole thing.

The following is the passage from "Racial Matters" by Kenneth O'Reilly (p. 130) that I quoted in class yesterday regarding the FBI's reaction to King's "I Have a Dream" speech.
"In no position to challenge the director, Sullivan submitted Division Five's apology on August 30: 'The Director is correct. We were completely wrong...the Communist Party, USA, does wield substantial influence over Negroes which one day could become decisive.' He discussed King's "I Have a Dream" speech, labeling it 'demagogic,' and marked King 'as the most dangerous Negro leader of the future in this Nation from the standpoint of communism, the Negro and national security.' To meet the threat, the FBI must concentrate on 'the many Negroes who are fellow-travellers, sympathizers or who aid the Party, knowingly or unknowingly, but do not qualify as members.' It would 'be unrealistic to limit ourselves as we have been doing to legalistic proofs or definitely conclusive evidence that would stand up in court of before Congressional Committees.'"


REMAINING COMMENTARY ON CHAPTER 5:

1. They (the FBI) also (allegedly) caught him in the act at the Willard Hotel in Washington, DC and prepared a "highlights tape," which was sent along with the note suggesting he commit suicide or face being exposed.

I. Meanwhile, King gradually settled on St. Augustine, Florida as SCLC's next target. They competed with SNCC's "Freeedom Summer" campaign in Mississippi for media attention. Basically, they sought another dramatic confrontation to intensify pressure on Congress to pass the civil rights bill.

1. The KKK was active and violent in St. Augustine.

2. Hosea Williams proposed a series of night marches to the historic Slave Market. After one group was attacked, King appealed for federal help to no avail. President Johnson did not want to irritate his fellow Southern Democrats.

3. There was other violence -- white racists were determined to crush the SCLC campaign. It was brutal. Sitkoff describes a June 25th atttack of 800 Klansmen. After this, Blacks were ready to fight back and King and his aides tried to talk them out of it.

4. King left for Atlanta with a mere verbal agreement by the governor to establish a bi-racial committee. Sitkoff suggests this was a partial victory at best. "He neither secured federal intervention nor improved the lot of the local black community. The SCLC neither left a grassroots movement in place nor initiated a follow-up campaign when the racial situation worsened. But the demonstrations kept America conscious of the violence and bloodshed that epitomized the reality and horror of racism. They pricked the conscience of the nation, speeding passage of the Civil Rights Act. The needs of the local black community counted for less. 'Some communities,' the preacher noted, 'like this one, have to bear the cross.'" (p. 135)

J. On July 2, 1964, King joined other civil rights leaders at the White House for the signing of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. And he reminded us of how this had been fought for.

K. King speaks out in support of a boycott against South Africa and its apartheid policy. He also went to the Republican National Convention to plead for a progressive civil rights policy -- a plea which fell on deaf ears.

L. He did a 5-day tour in Mississippi to show his support for Freedom Summer. He endorsed the MFDP. Sitkoff mentions some appearances and speeches, how SNCC field secretaries snickered "De Lawd, De Lawd..."

1. SNCC opposed a moratorium on demonstrations that King had agreed to at the request of LBJ, not wanting to give his opponent, Goldwater, some ammunition.

M. Then, Sitkoff recounts King's efforts to seat the MFDP at the Democratic National Convention in lieu of the regular Mississippi delegation. King addressed the Credentials Committee forthrightly, but later he made what many regarded as a cowardly compromise with Johnson forces.

1. Introduced to Ms. Fanny Lou Hamer who gave her harrowing account of trying to register to vote, which Johnson nullified the effect of by calling a press conference when she was testifying.

a.) Johnson also used the FBI to keep tabs on King and the MFDP. (Similar actions led to Nixon's later resignation and probable impeachment, but Johnson got away with it.)

2. King as a national civil rights leader was thinking about the prospects for civil rights legislation and the War on Poverty and so agreed to a compromise, which was strongly denounced by SNCC (Bob Moses, Forman, etc.). The personal attacks hurt King. He left before Johnson gave his acceptance speech.

a.) King later checks into an Atlanta hospital with a viral infection, high blood pressure, 20lbs overweight. While there he is informed by Coretta that he won the Nobel Peace Prize, which he acknowledged gave him an even heavier cross to bear.

N. King gets into a little flap with the FBI, criticizing the Bureau in public, to which Hoover responds that King is the "most notorious liar in the country." That sets the stage for a face-to-face meeting between King and Hoover, which really did not amount to much. And FBI officials denied (and thereby lied) that they were out to get him.

O. He travels to Sweden to accept the Nobel Peace Prize. In his speech, which we will later read, he spoke out for a global war on poverty and a planet free of nuclear weapons. He is expanding his message.

P. The chapter closes with the mailing of the Burreau's "Christmas package" to the King home, including the note threatening his exposure as an "evil, abnormal beast." I provided a xerox of the routing information (who delivered it) along with the note, as it was disclosed. I cannot speak to the blacked-out portions, but what is not blacked out is certainly bad enough. And let me underscore how ILLEGAL this was for the FBI or any law enforcement agency to do this. It is tantamount to BLACKMAIL.



That brings us to Chapters 6 & 7, which we'll try to cover next Tuesday (3/10), and Jeremy, Megan, and Tomas will give their textual commentaries.

Writing Assignment #2

Sociology 305
Writing Assignment #2
3/3/09

A. Reflecting on what you've learned about Dr. King in the latter half of Sitkoff's biography (Chapter 5 and beyond), I want you to write about TWO things you've learned that have altered your view of King in some way. Describe each of these things you've learned, where you learned about it in our book (which you could do perhaps by quoting a key passage), and discuss in what way each thing you've learned has influenced your perception of Dr. King.

B. This essay should be 3-4 pages and it is due on THURSDAY, MARCH 19th, at which time three of you will present your essays to the rest of the class. This essay is worth 25 points.

***I will not be handing out a hard copy of this assignment, so please refer to the blog for the details of this assignment.

More Commentary on Chapter 3

I did not quite finish my commentary on Chapter 3 yesterday (Tues. 2/24), so below is the remainder of what I planned to say. This will bring us up to Chapter 4 of Sitkoff's book, which is where we will start tomorrow.


P. It was SNCC that involved King in the Albany, Georgia campaign which did not succeed, despite how thoroughly segregated Albany was and the substantial local support they had. Chief of Police, Laurie Pritchett, outsmarted them by keeping his handling of the protests low-key, and even bailing King out of jail on one occasion so he would not draw too much critical attention. Pritchett even read King's book on Montgomery and some of Gandhi's essays.

1. But the SNCC students resented King for coming in and stealing the spotlight and agreeing to a deal which fell through and left segregation pretty much untouched. They began to refer to him as "De Lawd."

2. SNCC blasted King for agreeing to abide by an injunction against protests handed down by a federal judge (a segregationist who had been appointed by Kennedy). King realized he needed the federal government on his side and he did not want to piss them off. But the students regarded him as a "bougeois coward."

a.) After the injunction was lifted, King promised to lead a march, but 2,000 angry Albany blacks beat him to it -- they threw stones and bottles at the police. King went out afterward to urge them not to resort to violence.

3. King left Albany with not a whole lot to show for his efforts, with the possible exception of the new courage and self-respect among the black folk of Albany.

Q. What went wrong? Reasons for the failure of Albany:

1. Pritchett's skillful opposition.

2. Unity of white segregationists -- and how they used the black middle class (who had something to lose) to question King's tactics and besmirch his reputation.

3. Internal dissension between NAACP, SNCC, King.

4. King pointed to an overly broad list of grievances and demands -- need to target one aspect of segregation. And in this context King said they made a mistake in attacking the political power structure instead of the economic -- they had no leverage with politicians in terms of votes.

R. Then there was also the unwillingness of the Kennedy administration to get involved.

1. The JFK administration preferred public order over racial justice. Robert Kennedy actually phoned the mayor to congratulate him on the orderly manner of arrests and maintaining peace.

2. King criticized the FBI for siding with Albany segregationists. The FBI was quick to target blacks for wrong-doing but not white police officers for brutality. (Hoover, the FBI, refused to investigate police brutality cases. They were reluctantly dragged into the murder case in Mississippi -- the subject of the film "Mississippi Burning," which falsely portrays how they got involved.)

a.) King's public criticism of the FBI led Hoover to redouble his efforts to discredit King -- sending memos to Robert Kennedy about his association with Levison and how Levison was a dupe of the Soviets (for which they had no proof).



That brings us to Chapter 4. I'll have your papers back tomorrow and we'll have our first two textual commentaries.

Remaining Commentary on Chapter 2 & the Beginning of Chapter 3

Below are the points I had planned to make in class on the remainder of Chapter 2 and a bit of Chapter 3 of Sitkoff's book. Be sure to either copy or print this out and insert it in your notes. Remember, anything I cover in class or on this blog is fair game to make up questions from for the final exam.

At the very end of class I noted how King came to see Gandhi through the example of Jesus, and it was also a good fit with the Personalist philosophical views he picked up at Boston University. Sitkoff says:

"It fit King's exhortations that blacks must protest in a manner that sought reconciliation, that won the hearts and minds of whites, that paved the way for interracial amity and harmony. It placed blame on the system of segregation, not on the individual segregationists." (p. 46)

1. So, King came to see nonviolent resistance as not only a MORAL approach, but also a PRAGMATIC approach to overturning the unjust laws in the Deep South.

2. Glenn Smiley would organize workshops on non-violent direct action and passive resistance (which would become a staple of later campaigns).

J. Sitkoff nicely summarizes what all went into the developing philosophy of the movement King led. See middle two paragraphs, p. 47. (One might say in this regard, it took someone like King, with his background and intellect, to pull off the integration of these views.)

K. As the boycott dragged on and the bus company continued to lose money, they tried to work a deal, but they were overridden by the politicians.

L. King's stature was rising but the stress of being on the road and the anonymous threats took their toll. He sought help from an organization called "In Friendship" which Rustin ran with a couple other great figures -- Ella Baker and Stanley Levison.

1. This was the beginning of a lifelong friendship, collaboration with Stanley Levison. (See pp. 208-209 from Parting the Waters, which I handed out for more on Levison)

M. On June 5th (1956), a federal appeals court ruled the segregated bus seating unconstitutional. But that ruling was then appealed to the Supreme Court. (any sensible person or politician should have been able to predict what the Supreme Court would rule, so why not save the expense and work out a deal then?) The Supreme Court did finally rule unanimously that bus segregation was unconstitutional on Nov. 13, 1956, the final order not coming out until Dec. 20th. A KKK effort to intimidate blacks in Montgomery fizzled.

N. Although the MIA, in conjunction with the Black Churches, took on the task of educating blacks on how to handle themselves respectfully and be sensitive to whites' discomfort with this ruling, NOT A SINGLE WHITE GROUP OR CHURCH WOULD TAKE RESPONSIBILITY FOR PREPARING THE WHITE COMMUNITY.

1. Violence ensued. Gun shots shattered King's front door. Sniper fire hit some buses; a teenage African-American girl was assaulted at a bus stop. Etc.

O. Beyond the victory of ending bus segregation in Montgomery, this protest had a much greater significance, which is why it is often regarded as the first great campaign of the modern civil rights struggle. Sitkoff says:

"Montgomery provided a model of the courageous 'new Negro,' King emphasized. 'He had thrust off his stagnant passivity and deadening complacency, and emerged with a new sense of somebodyness and self-respect, and had a new determination to achieve freedom and self-respect, and had a new determination to achieve freedom and human dignity no matter what the cost.' The Montgomery bus boycott became 'God's proving ground.' It forged new tactics and strategies, demonstrated the strength of black alliances and networks, and provided a language and vision that would generate and sustain a decade of nonviolent resistance, of peaceful refusal to obey unjust laws." (p. 54)


Chapter 3: These Humble Children of God, 1957-62

A. As you recall from the video presentation "King, from Montgomery to Memphis," it largely skipped over this period. Sitkoff suggests King was floundering for much of this period -- no clear sense of direction, beset by threats, travel demands, etc. I like the way Sitkoff opens the chapter: "What rabbits could he pull out of his hat next?..."(p. 57)

1. As we will see, others took the initiative. Eg., the student-led sit-ins, perhaps the most famous of which took place in Greensboro, NC on Feb. 1, 1960, which was really the beginning of SNCC.

2. King sought advice and counsel from Rustin, Levison (behind the scenes), and Ella Baker.

B. Sent out a "call" to 60 Southern black ministers to meet at his father's church in Atlanta. Followed up on Feb. 14 (1957) in New Orleans where the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) was formed and King elected its first president.

1. Note they purposely did NOT invite anyone from the NAACP (which focused on a litigation strategy).

2. The majority of black ministers steered clear of this organization.

3. The motto was, "To Redeem the Soul of America," which gave it a Christian emphasis to make it more palatable to whites, also steer clear of any taint of being leftist (communist) or un-American.



That's all for now. On Tuesday, we'll pick up early in Chapter 3. And remember we'll have three textual commentaries on Chapter 4 for Thursday. If for some reason you did not turn your first writing assignment in yesterday, get it in ASAP. I should have these back by next Thursday at the latest.

Follow-up on King and Buddhism

I had the feeling that my comments comparing King's wisdom to the notion of wisdom in Buddhism were superficial and not very clear. You may disregard that passage I quoted about the final words of the Buddha. At the same time, I would insist there is a connection. It is not only the notion of mindfulness living, but the Buddhists also believe in what they call "interbeing" which stresses the interrelationship of all living things. You see this reflected in some of King's later writings when he talks in his last book about "The World House." For example, King said the following:

"In a real sense all life is interrelated. All men are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly affects all indirectly. I can never be what I ought to be until you are what you ought to be, and you can never be what you ought to be until I am what I ought to be. This is the inter-related structure of reality."

Now, I would be the first to admit, such a view of reality has sources other than Buddhism, but nonetheless it reflects a fundamental Buddhist belief.

King did have a personal relationship with that Vietnamese monk, whose name I put on the board, Thich Nhat Hanh. Thich Nhat Hanh said in an essay he wrote after King's death that his followers considered King a "bodhisattva," or Buddhist "saint". And King did nominate him for the Nobel Peace Prize. In fact, I just picked up Thich Nhat Hanh's latest book, "no death, no fear," and on the back cover is a quote from Dr. King from the letter he wrote nominating Thich Nhat Hanh for the Nobel Peace Prize. King said:

"Thich Nhat Hanh is a holy man, for he is humble and devout. He is a scholar of immense intellectual capacity. His ideas for peace, if applied, would build a monument to ecumenism, to world brotherhood, to humanity."


That's all for now. Remember the extra credit opportunity described in the previous blog post for next Tuesday 2/17, and don't forget the first writing assignment due next Thursday 2/19.

Reminder & Extra Credit Opportunity

There are a few people who have not yet posted a comment for The First Individual Exercise (posted Feb. 3, 2009). You need to do so ASAP. I am going to set a deadline of FRIDAY, FEB. 13TH. If you have not posted your comment by then you will NOT earn the five points for this exercise.

EXTRA CREDIT OPPORTUNITY: You may earn 3 points extra credit by attending the Black History Month Convocation next Tuesday, Feb. 17th at 11AM. "One of America's leading Hip-Hop generation intellectuals," Dr. Marc Lamont Hill will be speaking about "the intersections of Hip-Hop culture, race, politics, and civic engagement." To earn the three points you must attend of course and post a one- or two-paragraph reflection as a comment on this blog post. In your reflection, I want you to consider the relevance of his remarks for the kind of civic engagement and politics Dr. King practiced during what we might call the "Motown era."

First Individual Exercise

On Thursday (2/5) we will be seeing a documentary on King's public career as a civil rights leader, "King, From Montgomery to Memphis." Following this I want you to identify and briefly discuss (one paragraph) the relevance of any aspect of this documentary (OTHER THAN THE MARCH ON WASHINGTON AND "I HAVE A DREAM" SPEECH) for our first African American President, Barack Obama, and the challenges he faces. Post your comments on this blog no later than next Tuesday, 2/10. This exercise is worth 5 points.

Welcome

Dear MLK students, Welcome to this course blog that I have set up for Sociology 305: The Sociological Wisdom of Martin Luther King, Jr. I will be using this blog throughout the semester for various individual and group activities and exercises, as well as to post lecture notes on occasion if I get behind, and for review, especially for the final exam. You can anticipate the first exercise to be posted in the next day or two.