Catching Up: Commentary on Last Week's Selections

Below are the highlights of what I had planned to bring out last week on selections # 14, 15, 16, 17, 24, & 33. Some of the textual commentators also brought out some of these points. Remember, again, that you should review this material for the final exam.

#14 "Our Struggle" (1956)

A. The first four paragraphs of this selection (p. 75) are very astute sociologically. King acknowledges the loss of self-esteem among blacks because they were separated from their African culture. He also displays an understanding of what sociologists would call "blaming the victim."

B. King goes on then to stress blacks' new image, new self-respect they gained as they confronted discrimination in Montgomery.

C. King has an interesting comment on the white liberals' dilemma, citing a comment from noted author, William Faulkner. "Writing in Life (magazine), William Faulkner, Nobel prize-winning author from Mississippi, recently urged the NAACP to 'stop now for a moment.' That is to say, he encouraged Negroes to accept injustice, exploitation and indignity for a while longer. It is hardly a moral act to encourage others patiently to accept injustice which he himself does not endure." (p. 80)


#15 "Walk for Freedom" (1956)

A. The Headnote recognizes that others advised King that he was using non-violent resistance in Montgomery. (p. 82) Stresses "agape" love, and that this conflict is really between justice and injustice.


#16 "The Current Crisis in Race Relations" (1958)

A. The TRAGEDY OF SEGREGATION -- how it led blacks to devalue themselves, creating a "self-fulfilling prophecy." And the "New Negro" emerged to challenge this. (see, p. 85)

B. "It is sociologically true that privileged classes rarely ever give up their privileges without strong resistance." (p. 86)

C. In the section on "Moral Dilemma," King stresses the role of the church, and how only a few have taken a courageous stand. He also notes that the greatest tragedy of this social transition period is not the so-called bad people (racist segregationists), "but the appalling silence of the so-called good people." (p. 89)

1. Suggests we need "courageous maladjustment." (p. 90)


#17 "Who Speaks for the South" (1958)

A. King argues that white liberals really speak for a silent majority in the South, not the vocal, bigoted white racists.

B. As noted in the textual commentary, he highlights how women won the right to vote through protest -- they were far from submissive and silent. "From these women we have learned how social changes take place through struggle." (p. 91)

C. He also brings out the hypocrisy of preaching about free elections abroad when we do not have them here. (See, top p. 92)

D. King holds all of America accountable for the killing of Emmett Till (p. 92 mid) -- not just the couple men involved. (I would ask: can we accept this? Is this too harsh or sweeping? On what basis could he say such a thing?)

1. He goes on to highlight the theme of INERDEPENDENCE -- freedom for blacks means that our society as a whole will be freer. Also, "harm to one is injury to all". We have an obligation or duty to attain freedom for the benefit of the whole society. (See last paragraph, p. 93)


#24 "Facing the Challenge of a New Age" (1957)

A. Talks about revolutionary upheavals happening all the time all over the world. New world order coming into being.

B. Note the (Marxist) description of how the Negro slave was treated as a thing: "Throughout slavery the Negro was treated in a very inhuman fashion. He was a thing to be used, not a person to be respected. He was merely a depersonalized cog in a vast plantation machine." (p. 136) And notes how a physical slavery led to a kind of mental slavery.

C. He is pretty optimistic for 1957, confident that the old order is dying.

D. Stresses the growing world integration, and how we must transcend our narrow individualistic concerns. As a textual commentator quoted in class: "Through our scientific genius we have made of the world a neighborhood; now through our moral and spiritual genius we must make of it a brotherhood." He then goes on to quote John Donne's famous line "no man is an island." (p. 138)

E. He urges blacks to be good at what they do, irrespective of race. It is an important recognition of the value of work. (see 2nd & 3rd paragraphs, p. 139)

F. Again, he acknowledges the role of law, even though he understands you cannot legislate morality. (similar to an earlier quote) (See middle paragraph, p. 142)

G. King also makes a significant statement about the kind of new leaders we need: "The urgency of the hour calls for leaders of wise judgment and sound integrity -- leaders not in love with money, but in love with justice; leaders not in love with publicity, but in love with humanity; leaders who can subject their particular egos to the greatness of the cause." (p. 143)

H. Note the similarity of the oration at the end with King's "I Have a Dream" speech.


#33 "Give Us the Ballot -- We Will Transform the South" (keynote address to 1957 March on Wash.)

A. As our textual commentator brought out, this is a very optimistic view of the power of voting. But of course given the context (just like the "I Have a Dream" speech 6 years later), it was meant to be encouraging and empowering.

B. King talks about the need for courageous leadership, which must include FOUR elements:

1. Strong, aggressive leadership from the federal govt., especially the legislative and executive branches.

2. Strong leadership from Northern liberals -- truly liberal (not just open, relativistic, but liberalism committed to justice).

3. Moderates of the white South.

4. Leadership from the black community -- intelligent, calm, positive. No place for misguided emotionalism in dealing with such a complex problem. NOT indulge in falsehood, malice, hatred.

C. King stresses that as people gain power, they should not become victims of the philosophy of black supremacy. Must seek integration based on mutual respect.

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That brings us up to selection #18, where we will start on Tuesday, 4/14.