First, since many were absent last Thursday, 4/23, let me remind everyone that you need to check out the previous blog post which describes our one-and-only family activity -- making up questions for the final exam. I will give the families some time on Tuesday and Thursday of this week to confer about this. Each family will then need to designate someone to submit your 5 short-answer final exam questions by next Monday, May 4th.
______________________________
More Commentary: I am still committed to saying something about all of the remaining selections in A Testament of Hope that I have asked you to read, so let me do some of that on this blog.
#46 "Letter from a Birmingham Jail"
I started to comment on this last Thursday and did not finish. I did bring out King's references to Socrates in Plato's "Apology" and "Crito," which are quite appropriate, I argued.
D. King answers the charge of being an "extremist" -- actually, he felt he was a moderating force, moderating the real potential for blacks to become violent. (See last paragraph, p. 296 - 297)
E. Maybe America is in need of "creative extremists". (In this context, he acknowledges some courageous whites who stood with them.)
1. Church needs to lead, not just follow -- to be a THERMOSTAT, not just a THERMOMETER.
F. Finally, King takes these preachers to task for praising the police because they've kept "order." In this context he argues that the means must be as pure as the ends -- "Now we must recognize: it is wrong to use moral means to preserve immoral ends." (p. 301, bottom)
#49 Kenneth B. Clark Interview (1963, prior to March on Washington)
A. Clark, a prominent black psychologist, comments that he has not doubt that King's "love thy enemy" approach is genuine.
B. King does mention Erich Fromm's book, "The Art of Loving" -- how hate can be internally corrosive (bottom, p. 334), and love can be a force for personality integration.
(This suggests to me that King had probably read Fromm's "The Sane Society," and so he knew of Fromm's concept of the "pathology of normalcy," which has some connection to Dr. King's call to be "maladjusted.")
C. Clark asks King about Malcolm X's criticism of his "love thy enemy" approach -- doesn't it play into the hands of the oppressors -- to which King responds that Malcolm X did not understand the notion of AGAPE love.
D. Concludes on a hopeful note, but acknowledges there will be resistance and very real problems in the North related to employment and housing discrimination.
#23 "Behind the Selma March" (3 April 1965)
A. Headnote gives some good background. Notes some pressure from President Johnson and Hoover on King to "be more reasonable." Also comments on how the demonstrators were unmercifully beaten on the first attempted march (part of which was caught on camera).
B. King explains his actions during the second march when he decided to turn around. Says it would have been futile and led to violence if they tried to penetrate the "human wall" of law enforcement officers (which actually openned up at the last minute). But there clearly were other considerations (and I am not sure I buy King's explanation here).
#30 "Negroes Are Not Moving Too Fast" (7 November 1964)
A. Dr. King seems very cognizant of the potential for violence if there is little progress. Economic issues are highlighted.
B. King criticizes some thoughtless actions of other demonstrators, and then comments: "Action is not itself a virtue; its goals and its forms determine its values." (p. 179 top) (I agree wholeheartedly. When you act thoughtlessly, however justified, you may do your cause more harm than good.)
1. He understands also how many would interpret such acts, regardless of the justness of their cause.
C. King concludes with a nice response to what he perceives to be the message of Republican presidential candidate, Barry Goldwater. (See last paragraph, p. 180 and all of p. 181)
#31 "Civil Right No. 1: The Right to Vote" (March 14, 1965, appropriately in the midst of the Selma Campaign)
A. As one of our textual commentators brought out, King is optimistic about what voting might have accomplished or can accomplish -- he speculates that had blacks been able to vote in the South, they might have done something about the conditions which led many to migrate to the North. (See pp. 182-3)
That brings us up to selection #32, which is where I plan to pick up tomorrow. Remember, there will be no textual commentaries this week, and just the last two during the final week. Next Tuesday 5/5 your papers are due, and next Thursday 5/7, writing assignment #4 is due.
Monday, April 27, 2009
Wednesday, April 22, 2009
Family Activity: Making Up Questions for the Final Exam
Beginning in class tomorrow (Thursday, 4/23), I want each family start the process of developing questions for the final exam. Put yourselves in my shoes and consider what you believe is important to know about Dr. King, what you would ask if you were making up a final exam for this class. Specifically, I want each family to make up 5 SHORT-ANSWER questions on anything covered in the class. Use your class notes as a guide. By short-answer I mean direct questions that can be answered by a word or concept, a phrase or sentence, or, at most, a paragraph. NO true-false or mulitple-choice. Students who have had me before may serve as a guide for those who have not had me.
Once your family has come to some agreement on 5 questions, then designate a family member to submit your questions (and answers) to me in writing or via email NO LATER THAN MONDAY, MAY 4th. I will, then, consider them and try to accept at least 3 questions from each family. For each additional question I accept you will earn a bonus point, so you may earn up to 2 bonus points. This exercise is worth 15 points, and you must participate to earn those points.
The following are the families (slightly altered from when we chose them back in February):
RED FAMILY: Tramaine, Jeremy, Tomas, St. Claire
GREEN FAMILY: Ben, Lewis, Jessica H., Megan
BLUE FAMILY: Jessica O., Kristin, Frank
See you tomorrow, and don't forget to post your response to the video we saw last Thursday.
Once your family has come to some agreement on 5 questions, then designate a family member to submit your questions (and answers) to me in writing or via email NO LATER THAN MONDAY, MAY 4th. I will, then, consider them and try to accept at least 3 questions from each family. For each additional question I accept you will earn a bonus point, so you may earn up to 2 bonus points. This exercise is worth 15 points, and you must participate to earn those points.
The following are the families (slightly altered from when we chose them back in February):
RED FAMILY: Tramaine, Jeremy, Tomas, St. Claire
GREEN FAMILY: Ben, Lewis, Jessica H., Megan
BLUE FAMILY: Jessica O., Kristin, Frank
See you tomorrow, and don't forget to post your response to the video we saw last Thursday.
Monday, April 20, 2009
Reminder of Individual Activity & Some More Commentary
Only one person, as of Monday morning (8AM)4/20, has posted their response to the video we saw last Thursday. Please do so soon, preferably by tomorrow, while what you heard is hopefully still fresh in your mind.
___________________________
Tomorrow we will get back to the group of selections we began to discuss last Tuesday, beginning with selection #18. Our next three textual commentators are: Frank, Jessica H. & Jeremy. Tomorrow I want to focus especially on #22, "The Ethical Demands for Integration," which presents a well-organized and insightful argument on the moral justification for integration. I left off last Tuesday with a final comment about #25.
To make first-class citizenship a reality for the Negro, it is first and foremost his responsibility. King, then goes on to call for more personal responsibility. See significant statement of this, last paragraph, p. 149 - p. 150, first paragraph.
# 26 "Equality Now: The President Has the Power" (Feb. '61, right after JFK's inauguration)
A. King opens with a strong statement of principle on this issue, and he takes a slap at our materialistic ways. (See first two paragraphs p. 152.)
1. And he stresses the key role the federal government must play. He goes on to suggest the need to use the leverage of federal tax money -- deny federal money to states and businesses which continue to discriminate. He makes some pretty strong accusations, with some truth to them. (See pp. 152-3)
B. Need to move aggressively in the area of voter registration.
C. President can use his position (prestige) to use moral persuasion to end discrimination. The Presidency as a "bully pulpit."
D. King even suggests the President could end segregation through executive order. "The Emancipation Proclamation" was an executive order, along with Presdient Truman's integration of the military. President could eliminate discrimination in federal employment, and he mentions the FBI in particular.
1. Unfortunately, the federal government itself has participated directly and indirectly in the perpetuation of housing discrimination -- ghettos in the North. King gets pretty specific with some of his recommendations.
E. The Justice Department could be compelled to really enforce laws, make more use of federal marshals. As King says, "The employment of powerful court orders, enforced by sizable numbers of federal marshals, would restrain lawless elements now operating with inexcusable license. It should be remembered that in early American history it was the federal marshal who restored law in frontier communities when local authority broke down." (p. 158)
F. But more than its legal obligation, government must recognize it has a MORAL obligation in this matter. In this regard, he recalls the courage of Indian politicians in dealing with the "untouchables" issue and establishing "affirmative action" programs for them. (bot., p. 158)
G. Finally, he suggests appointing a "Secretary of Integration." (top, p. 159)
#27 "The Time for Freedom Has Come" (1961)
King quotes Victor Hugo" "There is no greater power on earth than an idea whose time has come." (p. 160)
A. King recognizes the significant involvement of Black students throughout the country, who were also influenced by freedom struggles elsewhere in the world in Africa and Latin America.
B. King points out it is naive to expect an immediate end to segregation with the 1954 Brown decision. He says, "...today, seven years later, only seven percent of Negro children of the South have been placed in desegregated schools. At the current rate it will take ninety-three more years to desegregate the public schools of the South. The (black) collegians say, 'We can't wait that long' or simply, 'We won't wait!'" (p. 162)
C. He notes how students debated non-violence vs. violence. King understands the impatience of some, but he believes the large majority did come around to non-violent direct action. (pp. 163-4)
1. Students DO respect the law, at the same time they choose to break unjust laws. (p. 164)
2. Must remember that: "The law tends to declare rights -- it does not deliver them." (p. 165)
3. Students not interested in mere "tokens" of integration. They are totally committed to equality and dignity. They are really seeking, in some sense, to "save the soul of America" (not just themselves).
D. Most of us recognize that the Jim Crow system is doomed. If so, would it not be wise and humane to abolish it surely and swiftly? (p. 166)
#21 "Bold Design for a New South" (1963)
A. He opens by acknowledging problems caused by the cautious JFK Administration's approach to civil rights. Indeed, the nation seemed to have placed civil rights on the proverbial "back burner." (already in 1963!) King chalks this up, in part, to the public's acceptance of "tokenism." (bot., p. 112) -- which over on p. 113 he calls a "genuine menace."
B. King then ticks off further evidence of segregation, particularly in education. Discrimination in employment and housing continues.
C. Government has moved aggressively in the past -- eg. on the labor issue, so why not on the race issue?
D. Government should not be a mere mediator. It should enforce laws which are being violated.
E. National interest should spur us to go beyond mere tokenism.
F. The JFK Administration should back the South which is waking up and changing, not the old guard who cling to segregation. He cites a strong editorial in the "Atlanta Constitution," espousing a more enlightened view of the race issue. It is the "New South" that should be supported. He also urges Republicans to get on the bandwagon.
G. King concludes with a historical observation -- that throughout history MORAL DECISIONS ended up being the correct ones. (last paragraph, p. 116)
That brings me up to #22 where we will pick up tomorrow after we hear from our textual commentators.
___________________________
Tomorrow we will get back to the group of selections we began to discuss last Tuesday, beginning with selection #18. Our next three textual commentators are: Frank, Jessica H. & Jeremy. Tomorrow I want to focus especially on #22, "The Ethical Demands for Integration," which presents a well-organized and insightful argument on the moral justification for integration. I left off last Tuesday with a final comment about #25.
To make first-class citizenship a reality for the Negro, it is first and foremost his responsibility. King, then goes on to call for more personal responsibility. See significant statement of this, last paragraph, p. 149 - p. 150, first paragraph.
# 26 "Equality Now: The President Has the Power" (Feb. '61, right after JFK's inauguration)
A. King opens with a strong statement of principle on this issue, and he takes a slap at our materialistic ways. (See first two paragraphs p. 152.)
1. And he stresses the key role the federal government must play. He goes on to suggest the need to use the leverage of federal tax money -- deny federal money to states and businesses which continue to discriminate. He makes some pretty strong accusations, with some truth to them. (See pp. 152-3)
B. Need to move aggressively in the area of voter registration.
C. President can use his position (prestige) to use moral persuasion to end discrimination. The Presidency as a "bully pulpit."
D. King even suggests the President could end segregation through executive order. "The Emancipation Proclamation" was an executive order, along with Presdient Truman's integration of the military. President could eliminate discrimination in federal employment, and he mentions the FBI in particular.
1. Unfortunately, the federal government itself has participated directly and indirectly in the perpetuation of housing discrimination -- ghettos in the North. King gets pretty specific with some of his recommendations.
E. The Justice Department could be compelled to really enforce laws, make more use of federal marshals. As King says, "The employment of powerful court orders, enforced by sizable numbers of federal marshals, would restrain lawless elements now operating with inexcusable license. It should be remembered that in early American history it was the federal marshal who restored law in frontier communities when local authority broke down." (p. 158)
F. But more than its legal obligation, government must recognize it has a MORAL obligation in this matter. In this regard, he recalls the courage of Indian politicians in dealing with the "untouchables" issue and establishing "affirmative action" programs for them. (bot., p. 158)
G. Finally, he suggests appointing a "Secretary of Integration." (top, p. 159)
#27 "The Time for Freedom Has Come" (1961)
King quotes Victor Hugo" "There is no greater power on earth than an idea whose time has come." (p. 160)
A. King recognizes the significant involvement of Black students throughout the country, who were also influenced by freedom struggles elsewhere in the world in Africa and Latin America.
B. King points out it is naive to expect an immediate end to segregation with the 1954 Brown decision. He says, "...today, seven years later, only seven percent of Negro children of the South have been placed in desegregated schools. At the current rate it will take ninety-three more years to desegregate the public schools of the South. The (black) collegians say, 'We can't wait that long' or simply, 'We won't wait!'" (p. 162)
C. He notes how students debated non-violence vs. violence. King understands the impatience of some, but he believes the large majority did come around to non-violent direct action. (pp. 163-4)
1. Students DO respect the law, at the same time they choose to break unjust laws. (p. 164)
2. Must remember that: "The law tends to declare rights -- it does not deliver them." (p. 165)
3. Students not interested in mere "tokens" of integration. They are totally committed to equality and dignity. They are really seeking, in some sense, to "save the soul of America" (not just themselves).
D. Most of us recognize that the Jim Crow system is doomed. If so, would it not be wise and humane to abolish it surely and swiftly? (p. 166)
#21 "Bold Design for a New South" (1963)
A. He opens by acknowledging problems caused by the cautious JFK Administration's approach to civil rights. Indeed, the nation seemed to have placed civil rights on the proverbial "back burner." (already in 1963!) King chalks this up, in part, to the public's acceptance of "tokenism." (bot., p. 112) -- which over on p. 113 he calls a "genuine menace."
B. King then ticks off further evidence of segregation, particularly in education. Discrimination in employment and housing continues.
C. Government has moved aggressively in the past -- eg. on the labor issue, so why not on the race issue?
D. Government should not be a mere mediator. It should enforce laws which are being violated.
E. National interest should spur us to go beyond mere tokenism.
F. The JFK Administration should back the South which is waking up and changing, not the old guard who cling to segregation. He cites a strong editorial in the "Atlanta Constitution," espousing a more enlightened view of the race issue. It is the "New South" that should be supported. He also urges Republicans to get on the bandwagon.
G. King concludes with a historical observation -- that throughout history MORAL DECISIONS ended up being the correct ones. (last paragraph, p. 116)
That brings me up to #22 where we will pick up tomorrow after we hear from our textual commentators.
Wednesday, April 15, 2009
Individual Activity
As promised yesterday, here's what I want you to do in connection with seeing "Malcolm and Martin: Implications of Their Legacies for the Future" tomorrow (Thurs. 4/16). After seeing the film I want you to write a couple-paragraph response describing what you believe to be the most significant similarity or parallel between Malcolm X and Martin Luther King brought out by either speaker (Imam Zaid or Cornel West). Post your response as a comment on this blog by next Tuesday, 4/21. This exercise is worth 5 points.
Monday, April 13, 2009
Catching Up: Commentary on Last Week's Selections
Below are the highlights of what I had planned to bring out last week on selections # 14, 15, 16, 17, 24, & 33. Some of the textual commentators also brought out some of these points. Remember, again, that you should review this material for the final exam.
#14 "Our Struggle" (1956)
A. The first four paragraphs of this selection (p. 75) are very astute sociologically. King acknowledges the loss of self-esteem among blacks because they were separated from their African culture. He also displays an understanding of what sociologists would call "blaming the victim."
B. King goes on then to stress blacks' new image, new self-respect they gained as they confronted discrimination in Montgomery.
C. King has an interesting comment on the white liberals' dilemma, citing a comment from noted author, William Faulkner. "Writing in Life (magazine), William Faulkner, Nobel prize-winning author from Mississippi, recently urged the NAACP to 'stop now for a moment.' That is to say, he encouraged Negroes to accept injustice, exploitation and indignity for a while longer. It is hardly a moral act to encourage others patiently to accept injustice which he himself does not endure." (p. 80)
#15 "Walk for Freedom" (1956)
A. The Headnote recognizes that others advised King that he was using non-violent resistance in Montgomery. (p. 82) Stresses "agape" love, and that this conflict is really between justice and injustice.
#16 "The Current Crisis in Race Relations" (1958)
A. The TRAGEDY OF SEGREGATION -- how it led blacks to devalue themselves, creating a "self-fulfilling prophecy." And the "New Negro" emerged to challenge this. (see, p. 85)
B. "It is sociologically true that privileged classes rarely ever give up their privileges without strong resistance." (p. 86)
C. In the section on "Moral Dilemma," King stresses the role of the church, and how only a few have taken a courageous stand. He also notes that the greatest tragedy of this social transition period is not the so-called bad people (racist segregationists), "but the appalling silence of the so-called good people." (p. 89)
1. Suggests we need "courageous maladjustment." (p. 90)
#17 "Who Speaks for the South" (1958)
A. King argues that white liberals really speak for a silent majority in the South, not the vocal, bigoted white racists.
B. As noted in the textual commentary, he highlights how women won the right to vote through protest -- they were far from submissive and silent. "From these women we have learned how social changes take place through struggle." (p. 91)
C. He also brings out the hypocrisy of preaching about free elections abroad when we do not have them here. (See, top p. 92)
D. King holds all of America accountable for the killing of Emmett Till (p. 92 mid) -- not just the couple men involved. (I would ask: can we accept this? Is this too harsh or sweeping? On what basis could he say such a thing?)
1. He goes on to highlight the theme of INERDEPENDENCE -- freedom for blacks means that our society as a whole will be freer. Also, "harm to one is injury to all". We have an obligation or duty to attain freedom for the benefit of the whole society. (See last paragraph, p. 93)
#24 "Facing the Challenge of a New Age" (1957)
A. Talks about revolutionary upheavals happening all the time all over the world. New world order coming into being.
B. Note the (Marxist) description of how the Negro slave was treated as a thing: "Throughout slavery the Negro was treated in a very inhuman fashion. He was a thing to be used, not a person to be respected. He was merely a depersonalized cog in a vast plantation machine." (p. 136) And notes how a physical slavery led to a kind of mental slavery.
C. He is pretty optimistic for 1957, confident that the old order is dying.
D. Stresses the growing world integration, and how we must transcend our narrow individualistic concerns. As a textual commentator quoted in class: "Through our scientific genius we have made of the world a neighborhood; now through our moral and spiritual genius we must make of it a brotherhood." He then goes on to quote John Donne's famous line "no man is an island." (p. 138)
E. He urges blacks to be good at what they do, irrespective of race. It is an important recognition of the value of work. (see 2nd & 3rd paragraphs, p. 139)
F. Again, he acknowledges the role of law, even though he understands you cannot legislate morality. (similar to an earlier quote) (See middle paragraph, p. 142)
G. King also makes a significant statement about the kind of new leaders we need: "The urgency of the hour calls for leaders of wise judgment and sound integrity -- leaders not in love with money, but in love with justice; leaders not in love with publicity, but in love with humanity; leaders who can subject their particular egos to the greatness of the cause." (p. 143)
H. Note the similarity of the oration at the end with King's "I Have a Dream" speech.
#33 "Give Us the Ballot -- We Will Transform the South" (keynote address to 1957 March on Wash.)
A. As our textual commentator brought out, this is a very optimistic view of the power of voting. But of course given the context (just like the "I Have a Dream" speech 6 years later), it was meant to be encouraging and empowering.
B. King talks about the need for courageous leadership, which must include FOUR elements:
1. Strong, aggressive leadership from the federal govt., especially the legislative and executive branches.
2. Strong leadership from Northern liberals -- truly liberal (not just open, relativistic, but liberalism committed to justice).
3. Moderates of the white South.
4. Leadership from the black community -- intelligent, calm, positive. No place for misguided emotionalism in dealing with such a complex problem. NOT indulge in falsehood, malice, hatred.
C. King stresses that as people gain power, they should not become victims of the philosophy of black supremacy. Must seek integration based on mutual respect.
_________________________
That brings us up to selection #18, where we will start on Tuesday, 4/14.
#14 "Our Struggle" (1956)
A. The first four paragraphs of this selection (p. 75) are very astute sociologically. King acknowledges the loss of self-esteem among blacks because they were separated from their African culture. He also displays an understanding of what sociologists would call "blaming the victim."
B. King goes on then to stress blacks' new image, new self-respect they gained as they confronted discrimination in Montgomery.
C. King has an interesting comment on the white liberals' dilemma, citing a comment from noted author, William Faulkner. "Writing in Life (magazine), William Faulkner, Nobel prize-winning author from Mississippi, recently urged the NAACP to 'stop now for a moment.' That is to say, he encouraged Negroes to accept injustice, exploitation and indignity for a while longer. It is hardly a moral act to encourage others patiently to accept injustice which he himself does not endure." (p. 80)
#15 "Walk for Freedom" (1956)
A. The Headnote recognizes that others advised King that he was using non-violent resistance in Montgomery. (p. 82) Stresses "agape" love, and that this conflict is really between justice and injustice.
#16 "The Current Crisis in Race Relations" (1958)
A. The TRAGEDY OF SEGREGATION -- how it led blacks to devalue themselves, creating a "self-fulfilling prophecy." And the "New Negro" emerged to challenge this. (see, p. 85)
B. "It is sociologically true that privileged classes rarely ever give up their privileges without strong resistance." (p. 86)
C. In the section on "Moral Dilemma," King stresses the role of the church, and how only a few have taken a courageous stand. He also notes that the greatest tragedy of this social transition period is not the so-called bad people (racist segregationists), "but the appalling silence of the so-called good people." (p. 89)
1. Suggests we need "courageous maladjustment." (p. 90)
#17 "Who Speaks for the South" (1958)
A. King argues that white liberals really speak for a silent majority in the South, not the vocal, bigoted white racists.
B. As noted in the textual commentary, he highlights how women won the right to vote through protest -- they were far from submissive and silent. "From these women we have learned how social changes take place through struggle." (p. 91)
C. He also brings out the hypocrisy of preaching about free elections abroad when we do not have them here. (See, top p. 92)
D. King holds all of America accountable for the killing of Emmett Till (p. 92 mid) -- not just the couple men involved. (I would ask: can we accept this? Is this too harsh or sweeping? On what basis could he say such a thing?)
1. He goes on to highlight the theme of INERDEPENDENCE -- freedom for blacks means that our society as a whole will be freer. Also, "harm to one is injury to all". We have an obligation or duty to attain freedom for the benefit of the whole society. (See last paragraph, p. 93)
#24 "Facing the Challenge of a New Age" (1957)
A. Talks about revolutionary upheavals happening all the time all over the world. New world order coming into being.
B. Note the (Marxist) description of how the Negro slave was treated as a thing: "Throughout slavery the Negro was treated in a very inhuman fashion. He was a thing to be used, not a person to be respected. He was merely a depersonalized cog in a vast plantation machine." (p. 136) And notes how a physical slavery led to a kind of mental slavery.
C. He is pretty optimistic for 1957, confident that the old order is dying.
D. Stresses the growing world integration, and how we must transcend our narrow individualistic concerns. As a textual commentator quoted in class: "Through our scientific genius we have made of the world a neighborhood; now through our moral and spiritual genius we must make of it a brotherhood." He then goes on to quote John Donne's famous line "no man is an island." (p. 138)
E. He urges blacks to be good at what they do, irrespective of race. It is an important recognition of the value of work. (see 2nd & 3rd paragraphs, p. 139)
F. Again, he acknowledges the role of law, even though he understands you cannot legislate morality. (similar to an earlier quote) (See middle paragraph, p. 142)
G. King also makes a significant statement about the kind of new leaders we need: "The urgency of the hour calls for leaders of wise judgment and sound integrity -- leaders not in love with money, but in love with justice; leaders not in love with publicity, but in love with humanity; leaders who can subject their particular egos to the greatness of the cause." (p. 143)
H. Note the similarity of the oration at the end with King's "I Have a Dream" speech.
#33 "Give Us the Ballot -- We Will Transform the South" (keynote address to 1957 March on Wash.)
A. As our textual commentator brought out, this is a very optimistic view of the power of voting. But of course given the context (just like the "I Have a Dream" speech 6 years later), it was meant to be encouraging and empowering.
B. King talks about the need for courageous leadership, which must include FOUR elements:
1. Strong, aggressive leadership from the federal govt., especially the legislative and executive branches.
2. Strong leadership from Northern liberals -- truly liberal (not just open, relativistic, but liberalism committed to justice).
3. Moderates of the white South.
4. Leadership from the black community -- intelligent, calm, positive. No place for misguided emotionalism in dealing with such a complex problem. NOT indulge in falsehood, malice, hatred.
C. King stresses that as people gain power, they should not become victims of the philosophy of black supremacy. Must seek integration based on mutual respect.
_________________________
That brings us up to selection #18, where we will start on Tuesday, 4/14.
Wednesday, April 8, 2009
Reading Selections for the Remainder of the Semester & Reminders
First, let me note that I do not plan to post additional commentary today, even though I am still behind. I'll try to catch up on Thursday. Also, you should be aware that Writing Assignment #3 is due tomorrow (4/9) and LEWIS and JEREMY will present an overview of their essays. Also, we will have three more textual commentaries on the current reading selections (#14, 15, 16, 17, 24, 33) from TOMAS, ST.CLAIRE, and BEN. Next week we will begin to discuss a new, and longer, set of selections: #18, 19, 20, 25, 26, 27 & 55, 54, 21, 22, 28, 29, 36, 37, 46, 49. Textual commentators for next Tuesday (4/14) will be: KRISTIN, LEWIS, TRAMAINE. Next Thursday we may be seeing a DVD on Martin and Malcolm. Still dealing with the above series of selections, textual commentators for Tuesday (4/21) will be: FRANK, JESSICA H., JEREMY. On Thursday (4/23) we will being to consider a new set of selections: #23, 30, 31, 32, 38, 39, 50, & 40, 42, 43, 51, 52, 11, 12, 13. For that Thursday (4/23) the textual commentators will be: MEGAN, TOMAS, JESSICA O.. We will discuss these selections through Thursday (4/30). The final set of selections will be: #56, 57, 47, & 44, 45, 48, 58, which we will begin discussing on Tuesday (5/5) and the textual commentators will be: ST.CLAIRE & BEN. That will leave Thursday (5/6) for my wrap up.
TUESDAY, MAY 5TH, IS ALSO THE DUE DATE FOR YOUR PAPER. And there will be one more short writing assignment, which I should be handing out in the near future.
Use this blog post as a general "game-plan" for the remainder of the semester.
TUESDAY, MAY 5TH, IS ALSO THE DUE DATE FOR YOUR PAPER. And there will be one more short writing assignment, which I should be handing out in the near future.
Use this blog post as a general "game-plan" for the remainder of the semester.
Monday, April 6, 2009
Catching Up: Commentary on Selections in Washington Reader
As I noted just before the break, I am behind (as usual) in my own textual commentary. Since I did not get a chance to do this over the break, I am getting to it now. Let me also remind you again that you need to either print out or copy these notes because anything that I cover in class or on this blog is fair game on the final exam.
I left off near the end of the long selection from Stride Toward Freedom (#53):
Q. King recognizes the SOCIOLOGICAL point of the adverse impact of economic insecurity on the black family. King says, "Economic insecurity strangles the physical and cultural growth of its victims. Not only are millions deprived of formal education and proper health facilities but our most fundamental social unit -- the family -- is tortured, corrupted, and weakened by economic insufficiency...." (p. 476) Read the remainder of that paragraph and the next over on p. 477.
R. In the end, the race problem is not a political but a moral issue, as Gunnar Myrdal (in An American Dilemma) indicated. The Church has an obligation here. Through religious education, the church can help overcome groundless race prejudice based on fear. (See 2nd paragraph p. 478) (Although, as I believe I noted in our last class, the kind of things King has in mind are better suited to public or higher education.)
1. The church must lead social reform, and it can do so by first eliminating segregation in its own house.
2. In this context, King comments: "When people think about race problems they are too often more concerned with men than with God. The question usually asked is: 'What will my friends think if I am too friendly with Negroes or too liberal on the race question?' Men forget to ask: 'What will God think?' And so they live in fear because they tend to seek social approval on the horizontal plane rather than spiritual devotion on the vertical plane." (pp. 478-479) Which parallels an argument Socrates made in the "Crito," defending his decision to remain in jail and endure the punishment given him, only Socrates (and Plato) in invoking "God" was not referring to some "Supreme Being" but instead to some ultimate principle of morality.
3. More than decrees or statements, ACTION is needed.
4. King is sensitive to the difficult position of the Southern white minister, and suggests working quietly is ok. (see p. 480)
S. King fully acknowledges the significant role that Black self-help can play. (It is unfair and inaccurate to suggest, as many have, that King saw government handouts as THE solution to racial inequality.)See p. 481. And King comes back to this at the very end (pp. 488-489) and specifies several areas where the black community needs to improve itself: economically, personal standards, crime, alcohol abuse, voting (overcome apathy), etc.
T. Towards the end of this selection, King comes back to the theme of nonviolence, and how in contrast the path of violence is both IMPRACTICAL and IMMORAL. See especially the last paragraph, p. 482. And he goes on to emphasize the benefits of the nonviolent approach. Nonviolence is more likely to encourage dialogue and community; it appeals to the conscience of the opponent.
1. In this general context, he makes a very interesting and significant point that nonviolence will take longer. We must be patient, "...BECAUSE INTEGRATION IS MORE COMPLICATED THAN INDEPENDENCE." (p. 486) (To which I would add: independence or mere DESEGREGATION. The fact that in many ways we have yet to realize Dr. King's dream of the "beloved community," or a truly integrated society, is a testament to the truth of his statement, I believe.)
#1 "Non-violence and Racial Justice" (1959)
A. Crisis in race relations growing out of two clashing factors:
1. determined resistance of reactionary elements in the South to Supreme Court rulings (especially, the Brown decision).
2. higher black self-esteem.
B. Good, but brief, overview of Black's history in America: 1619, to Dred Scott - 1857, to Emancipation - 1863, to Reconstruction, to Plessy - 1896... (pp. 5-6)
C. King defines TRUE PEACE (p. 6 ), which is not merely negative, the absence of tension or conflict, but positive, the presence of justice. (Think about the past 40 years or so in America: has this true peace existed, especially in the inner city ghettos of this country?)
D. King links the struggle for freedom in America with the international struggle for freedom against colonialism. (See top, p. 7)
E. Outlines the method of nonviolent resistance (Gandhi mentioned):
1. Not for cowards; it does resist -- physically passive but strong spiritually.
2. Aim is not to defeat or humiliate opponent but win his understanding and friendship. Use boycotts, etc., but the end is reconciliation; achieving the beloved community.
3. Attack directed against the FORCES of evil, rather than the people caught up in those forces: not against whites, but against injustice. (Which is a sociological point, I would argue.)
4. Avoids external and internal violence (or hate). Principle of love central. Retaliate with hate only creates more hatred and bitterness.
F. Notion of LOVE -- not emotional or romantic (or sexual) love, but love meaning understanding and goodwill (which refers to AGAPE love). Three Greek terms:
1. EROS -- aesthetic or romantic love.
2. PHILIA -- intimate affection between friends, reciprocal.
3. AGAPE -- not sentimental; means understanding, goodwill toward all men; unconditional.
***Important to distinguish between these and especially not to confuse EROS & PHILIA with AGAPE.
G. Finally, nonviolence is based on the conviction that the universe is on the side of justice (God, or some ultimate principle). (If you cannot accept this, I believe it is difficult, if not impossible, to advocate for any cause in a nonviolent way, which requires patience.)
#2 "The Most Durable Power" (1957)
A. Repeats Booker T. Washington's admonition: "Let no man pull you so low as to hate him." (which is tough to abide by)
B. Argues that the end or goal of life is NOT pleasure or happiness, or avoid pain, but to do God's will -- LOVE (GOD IS LOVE). (bottom, p. 10)
_________________________________
That brings us to selection #3. Still behind but farther along. I will probably try to cover selections #3-10, and then turn things over to our textual commentators for the next set of selections. Also, don't forget that writing assignment #3 is due on Thursday (4/9) and I believe we still need to get just TWO volunteers to present your essays. See you tomorrow.
I left off near the end of the long selection from Stride Toward Freedom (#53):
Q. King recognizes the SOCIOLOGICAL point of the adverse impact of economic insecurity on the black family. King says, "Economic insecurity strangles the physical and cultural growth of its victims. Not only are millions deprived of formal education and proper health facilities but our most fundamental social unit -- the family -- is tortured, corrupted, and weakened by economic insufficiency...." (p. 476) Read the remainder of that paragraph and the next over on p. 477.
R. In the end, the race problem is not a political but a moral issue, as Gunnar Myrdal (in An American Dilemma) indicated. The Church has an obligation here. Through religious education, the church can help overcome groundless race prejudice based on fear. (See 2nd paragraph p. 478) (Although, as I believe I noted in our last class, the kind of things King has in mind are better suited to public or higher education.)
1. The church must lead social reform, and it can do so by first eliminating segregation in its own house.
2. In this context, King comments: "When people think about race problems they are too often more concerned with men than with God. The question usually asked is: 'What will my friends think if I am too friendly with Negroes or too liberal on the race question?' Men forget to ask: 'What will God think?' And so they live in fear because they tend to seek social approval on the horizontal plane rather than spiritual devotion on the vertical plane." (pp. 478-479) Which parallels an argument Socrates made in the "Crito," defending his decision to remain in jail and endure the punishment given him, only Socrates (and Plato) in invoking "God" was not referring to some "Supreme Being" but instead to some ultimate principle of morality.
3. More than decrees or statements, ACTION is needed.
4. King is sensitive to the difficult position of the Southern white minister, and suggests working quietly is ok. (see p. 480)
S. King fully acknowledges the significant role that Black self-help can play. (It is unfair and inaccurate to suggest, as many have, that King saw government handouts as THE solution to racial inequality.)See p. 481. And King comes back to this at the very end (pp. 488-489) and specifies several areas where the black community needs to improve itself: economically, personal standards, crime, alcohol abuse, voting (overcome apathy), etc.
T. Towards the end of this selection, King comes back to the theme of nonviolence, and how in contrast the path of violence is both IMPRACTICAL and IMMORAL. See especially the last paragraph, p. 482. And he goes on to emphasize the benefits of the nonviolent approach. Nonviolence is more likely to encourage dialogue and community; it appeals to the conscience of the opponent.
1. In this general context, he makes a very interesting and significant point that nonviolence will take longer. We must be patient, "...BECAUSE INTEGRATION IS MORE COMPLICATED THAN INDEPENDENCE." (p. 486) (To which I would add: independence or mere DESEGREGATION. The fact that in many ways we have yet to realize Dr. King's dream of the "beloved community," or a truly integrated society, is a testament to the truth of his statement, I believe.)
#1 "Non-violence and Racial Justice" (1959)
A. Crisis in race relations growing out of two clashing factors:
1. determined resistance of reactionary elements in the South to Supreme Court rulings (especially, the Brown decision).
2. higher black self-esteem.
B. Good, but brief, overview of Black's history in America: 1619, to Dred Scott - 1857, to Emancipation - 1863, to Reconstruction, to Plessy - 1896... (pp. 5-6)
C. King defines TRUE PEACE (p. 6 ), which is not merely negative, the absence of tension or conflict, but positive, the presence of justice. (Think about the past 40 years or so in America: has this true peace existed, especially in the inner city ghettos of this country?)
D. King links the struggle for freedom in America with the international struggle for freedom against colonialism. (See top, p. 7)
E. Outlines the method of nonviolent resistance (Gandhi mentioned):
1. Not for cowards; it does resist -- physically passive but strong spiritually.
2. Aim is not to defeat or humiliate opponent but win his understanding and friendship. Use boycotts, etc., but the end is reconciliation; achieving the beloved community.
3. Attack directed against the FORCES of evil, rather than the people caught up in those forces: not against whites, but against injustice. (Which is a sociological point, I would argue.)
4. Avoids external and internal violence (or hate). Principle of love central. Retaliate with hate only creates more hatred and bitterness.
F. Notion of LOVE -- not emotional or romantic (or sexual) love, but love meaning understanding and goodwill (which refers to AGAPE love). Three Greek terms:
1. EROS -- aesthetic or romantic love.
2. PHILIA -- intimate affection between friends, reciprocal.
3. AGAPE -- not sentimental; means understanding, goodwill toward all men; unconditional.
***Important to distinguish between these and especially not to confuse EROS & PHILIA with AGAPE.
G. Finally, nonviolence is based on the conviction that the universe is on the side of justice (God, or some ultimate principle). (If you cannot accept this, I believe it is difficult, if not impossible, to advocate for any cause in a nonviolent way, which requires patience.)
#2 "The Most Durable Power" (1957)
A. Repeats Booker T. Washington's admonition: "Let no man pull you so low as to hate him." (which is tough to abide by)
B. Argues that the end or goal of life is NOT pleasure or happiness, or avoid pain, but to do God's will -- LOVE (GOD IS LOVE). (bottom, p. 10)
_________________________________
That brings us to selection #3. Still behind but farther along. I will probably try to cover selections #3-10, and then turn things over to our textual commentators for the next set of selections. Also, don't forget that writing assignment #3 is due on Thursday (4/9) and I believe we still need to get just TWO volunteers to present your essays. See you tomorrow.
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