Only one person, as of Monday morning (8AM)4/20, has posted their response to the video we saw last Thursday. Please do so soon, preferably by tomorrow, while what you heard is hopefully still fresh in your mind.
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Tomorrow we will get back to the group of selections we began to discuss last Tuesday, beginning with selection #18. Our next three textual commentators are: Frank, Jessica H. & Jeremy. Tomorrow I want to focus especially on #22, "The Ethical Demands for Integration," which presents a well-organized and insightful argument on the moral justification for integration. I left off last Tuesday with a final comment about #25.
To make first-class citizenship a reality for the Negro, it is first and foremost his responsibility. King, then goes on to call for more personal responsibility. See significant statement of this, last paragraph, p. 149 - p. 150, first paragraph.
# 26 "Equality Now: The President Has the Power" (Feb. '61, right after JFK's inauguration)
A. King opens with a strong statement of principle on this issue, and he takes a slap at our materialistic ways. (See first two paragraphs p. 152.)
1. And he stresses the key role the federal government must play. He goes on to suggest the need to use the leverage of federal tax money -- deny federal money to states and businesses which continue to discriminate. He makes some pretty strong accusations, with some truth to them. (See pp. 152-3)
B. Need to move aggressively in the area of voter registration.
C. President can use his position (prestige) to use moral persuasion to end discrimination. The Presidency as a "bully pulpit."
D. King even suggests the President could end segregation through executive order. "The Emancipation Proclamation" was an executive order, along with Presdient Truman's integration of the military. President could eliminate discrimination in federal employment, and he mentions the FBI in particular.
1. Unfortunately, the federal government itself has participated directly and indirectly in the perpetuation of housing discrimination -- ghettos in the North. King gets pretty specific with some of his recommendations.
E. The Justice Department could be compelled to really enforce laws, make more use of federal marshals. As King says, "The employment of powerful court orders, enforced by sizable numbers of federal marshals, would restrain lawless elements now operating with inexcusable license. It should be remembered that in early American history it was the federal marshal who restored law in frontier communities when local authority broke down." (p. 158)
F. But more than its legal obligation, government must recognize it has a MORAL obligation in this matter. In this regard, he recalls the courage of Indian politicians in dealing with the "untouchables" issue and establishing "affirmative action" programs for them. (bot., p. 158)
G. Finally, he suggests appointing a "Secretary of Integration." (top, p. 159)
#27 "The Time for Freedom Has Come" (1961)
King quotes Victor Hugo" "There is no greater power on earth than an idea whose time has come." (p. 160)
A. King recognizes the significant involvement of Black students throughout the country, who were also influenced by freedom struggles elsewhere in the world in Africa and Latin America.
B. King points out it is naive to expect an immediate end to segregation with the 1954 Brown decision. He says, "...today, seven years later, only seven percent of Negro children of the South have been placed in desegregated schools. At the current rate it will take ninety-three more years to desegregate the public schools of the South. The (black) collegians say, 'We can't wait that long' or simply, 'We won't wait!'" (p. 162)
C. He notes how students debated non-violence vs. violence. King understands the impatience of some, but he believes the large majority did come around to non-violent direct action. (pp. 163-4)
1. Students DO respect the law, at the same time they choose to break unjust laws. (p. 164)
2. Must remember that: "The law tends to declare rights -- it does not deliver them." (p. 165)
3. Students not interested in mere "tokens" of integration. They are totally committed to equality and dignity. They are really seeking, in some sense, to "save the soul of America" (not just themselves).
D. Most of us recognize that the Jim Crow system is doomed. If so, would it not be wise and humane to abolish it surely and swiftly? (p. 166)
#21 "Bold Design for a New South" (1963)
A. He opens by acknowledging problems caused by the cautious JFK Administration's approach to civil rights. Indeed, the nation seemed to have placed civil rights on the proverbial "back burner." (already in 1963!) King chalks this up, in part, to the public's acceptance of "tokenism." (bot., p. 112) -- which over on p. 113 he calls a "genuine menace."
B. King then ticks off further evidence of segregation, particularly in education. Discrimination in employment and housing continues.
C. Government has moved aggressively in the past -- eg. on the labor issue, so why not on the race issue?
D. Government should not be a mere mediator. It should enforce laws which are being violated.
E. National interest should spur us to go beyond mere tokenism.
F. The JFK Administration should back the South which is waking up and changing, not the old guard who cling to segregation. He cites a strong editorial in the "Atlanta Constitution," espousing a more enlightened view of the race issue. It is the "New South" that should be supported. He also urges Republicans to get on the bandwagon.
G. King concludes with a historical observation -- that throughout history MORAL DECISIONS ended up being the correct ones. (last paragraph, p. 116)
That brings me up to #22 where we will pick up tomorrow after we hear from our textual commentators.
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